CD Strategy August 2008 ? January 2009

Importance of CD involvement

•  For the next 6 months, there are four major dramatic events that need careful communication strategies and promotion of our ideas that serve our interest in order to avoid past mistakes:
  •  UNGA (16 September),
  •  Two Decades of PLO Historic Compromise (15 November),
  •  One year after Annapolis (27 November),  and
  •  Christmas (24 December)

•  CD involvement is important because:
  •  a sympathetic media coverage is a central element of political influence,
  •  it is a tool to improve the image internally and internationally, and
  •  it is a major instrument to prevent the other partiesy from benefiting from any vacuum created in case we are not pro-active.

Overview

There are two approaches in which we should respond to the outcome of the negotiations. In order to avoid a Post-Camp David media failure, we need to be the ??event initiator?? and reveal the details concerning the negotiations process post-Annapolis.  Second, we need to give a general picture and focus on the Palestinian constants.  These two approaches are intertwined; i.e. while we divulge Ie irrefutable, simple to unde with a focus on the negotiators? non surrender to any pressure to accept less than 1967 territory and a solution to the refugee problem, in accordance with all UN relevant resolutions. Here, we will consider activities and messages the leadership can undertake with regard to these two approaches.

Responding to the Negotiations Outcome

As in Camp David, the outcome is expected to be attributed to the Palestinians? refusal of Israel?s ??offer?? and the absence of a Palestinian counterpart. While focusing on the constants of this conflict, we should respond directly to the discussion relating to the outcome of the negotiations. To do this, however, we need to tie in the messages to the processes of negotiations; i.e. we need Dr. Saeb?s clearance on that.

General Messages:r

•  We wished to have a framework agreement addressing the core issues before the end of 2008; unfortunately the Israeli counterpart conspicuously refused making any progress with that regard

•   Our negotiations approaches were different. While our goal is to establish an independent sovereign state on 1967 borders, the Israeli approach is to start with the status quo and negotiate small and gradual improvements to the current situation.  Israel?s approach is to use rhetorical “security needs” to derogate from Palestinian sovereignty in a permanent status agreement. Palestinians want full sovereignty and all it entails, including full control of our airspace, maritime boundaries, territory, borders, water and other natural resources, and electromagnetic sphere. We could not accept any less as that would amount to a trusteeship model or a state with provisional borders.

•  The peace process is marred by Israel?s creation of facts on the ground by building settlements, roads and other infrastructure everywhere in the West Bank, particularly in and around East Jerusalem The purpose is to unalterably integrate Israeli settlements and infrastructure into Israel proper, thereby imposing an Israeli defined outcome for permanent status negotiations. This is unacceptable because it threatens the viability of an independent sovereign Palestinian state and spelled the death of the two-state solution.  Furthermore, Israel continues to carry out its collective punishment of 1.5 M Palestinians living in Gaza.  

•   The Israeli proposal merely consolidates illegal unilaterally-imposed facts on the ground, which would inevitably contradict our fundamental rights and interests.  The Palestinian people cannot be expected to acquiesce to a slightly improved version of the occupation that is then repackaged as a “state”.   

•  Israel is missing a historic offer from the PLO and 57 Arab and Islamic states. Israel needs a leader that moves the country from a pariah state to a member state of the Middle East. [this could be the main focus for 15 November event]

•  After our historic compromise in 1988 we tried it all to realize the two states solution. We have never been an obstacle for true, just, and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. We have asked the Israelis to agree on those long standing internationally accepted principles that will bring peace to our peoples.  Unfortunately, they never did.

•   A viable Palestinian state must be based on the 1967 borders, including East Jerusalem as its capital. The Arab Peace Initiative represents the most promising opportunity to end the prolonged Arab-Israeli conflict, including Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and to satisfy Israeli security concerns on all fronts. It also provides Israel with an historic opportunity to end its diplomatic and economic isolation by concluding a comprehensive peace with all its Arab neighbours and ending the conflict on all levels, in exchange for normalization and recognition of Israel by all the 57 Arab and Islamic states.

•  Unfortunately, this offer has been rejected by Israel.

•  We have been and will remain a serious Palestinian partner to reach a just and comprehensive agreement.

•  Despite all the Israeli policies of killings, arrests, settlement expansion and wall building, we pursued our negotiations seriously.  [here, we can give an updated stats on Israeli violations from Annapolis to post-UNGA and 1 year after Annapolis]

•  Now we are waiting for the courageous Israeli leader to make the needed step for peace and the new US administration to have immediate and decisive intervention to end the Israeli occupation.

•  The terms of reference of any Permanent Status Agreement should be the United Nations resolutions pertinent to the conflict, namely UNSC 242, 338 and 194, the Road Map, including President George Bush?s vision, and the Arab Peace Initiative. The agreement, based on the “land for peace” formula, must lead to the end of the Israeli occupation that began in 1967 and to the end of the conflict, thus establishing an independent sovereign Palestinian State.

Focus on the Constants

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•  The debate of who is to blame obscures a larger problem: Israel?s refusal to comply with rules of international law

•    Any negotiation requires a mutual understanding of the basic terms of reference. Our baseline and terms of reference are those  that the international community and international law have established, namely that:  

1.  Any agreement must be based on international law and the United Nations resolutions pertinent to the conflict, namely UNSC 242 and 338, the Road Map and the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002, reaffirmed in 2007;
2.   The agreement, based on the “land for peace” formula, must lead to the end of the Israeli occupation that began in 1967 and end the conflict, thus establishing an independent viable Palestinian State; and,
3.   resolving the issue of the refugees in a just and agreed upon manner, in accordance with UNGA 194.

•  While we are committed to a negotiated settlement as the only way to end decades of occupation and conflict, this does not mean we will accept an agreement that compromises our basic rights and our dignity

•   It would be wrong to assume that nominal statehood, in and of itself, is the only goal for Palestinians.  In reality, statehood is pointless without sovereignty and viability, the fulfillment of the rights that these entail, and the satisfaction of Palestinian refugees? rights.  

•   The Palestinian state needs to be economically and geographically viable but more importantly it needs to be politically viable, which means that the state being proposed to the Palestinians has to be acceptable to the Palestinian people and rise up to their national expectations and aspirations.

•  The international community, for its part, is not absolved of its legal responsibilities as third parties to this conflict

•   In 2004, the International Court of Justice reaffirmed the Security Council?s position and held that international law imposes certain obligations not just on Israel as an Occupying Power but on third parties as well.  These obligations include:
  •    Not recognizing the illegal situation resulting from an unlawful act in the OPT, including in and around East Jerusalem;
    •   Not rendering aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by an unlawful act in the OPT, including in and around East Jerusalem; and  
    •   Seeing to it that any impediment to the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination is brought to an end.

•   By contributing to the development of any project in Israeli settlements in the oPt, states lend legitimacy to Israel?s illegal presence in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem. States should therefore take all necessary steps to prevent their nationals from participating in or supporting any settlement project.

•  The Palestinian people need hope; i.e. they need to see that their rights are respected; and that states? protection of their rights will be fruitful, leading to the end of the Israeli occupation.

General CD Activities

•  Expand the existing list of Palestinian politicians, analysts, and active members of the general public who have the experience and language skills to be effective interviewees for the media and will to comment on political issues in various Arab, Israeli and foreign media outlets.  In order to achieve that, we need to focus on identifying them and updating them on on-going bases / talking points prior to the interviews facilitation.
•  Coordinate monthly brainstorming roundtables about different issues related to future prospects and different scenarios for resolving the Conflict for NSU staff and Palestinian Leadership. The Speakers will be experts on Israeli Politics among a group of Journalists, Political Analysts and Academics.

•  Coordinate by-monthly brainstorming sessions between the CD, the office of the spokesperson, the MOFA and the President?s Office.

•  Start CD new presentation on PS issues.

CD Activities in the 4 major events

•  UNGA (16 September)

•  CD advisor to be a member of the PA delegation at the UNGA ? this is very important as the whole focus will be on the Palestinian interlocutors there.
  •   Distribution of the Negotiations Primer
  •   Organizing an Iftar for Dr. SE and Arab and foreign journalists after coming back from the UNGA
  •   Talking Points on the negotiations process
  •  Op-Eds in Arab, International and Israeli media highlighting the gaps in the negotiations and the PLO position
  •  Coordination of tours for foreign delegations visiting the PO and/or MOFA (with MOFA and MoI)

•  Two Decades of PLO Historic Compromise (15 November)

•  Brochure on the shrinking of Palestine (with a focus on the historic compromise)
  •   Meetings between foreign and Israeli journalists and the President

•  One year after Annapolis (27 November)

•  Fact Sheet about Israeli policies one year after Annapolis
  •  Tours in the areas affected by new Israeli measures after Annapolis for foreign delegations and journalists
  •  Op-Ed on the Palestinian perspective after Annapolis

•  Christmas (24-25 December)

•  Fact Sheet on Christian communities affected by the Israeli policies (coordinate with Right-to-enter campaign on priests denied entry)
  •  Tours for journalists and foreign delegations in Bethlehem and Aboud areas

Other important dates:

30 September 8 years of the intifada

9 November Fall of the Berlin Wall

11 November 4th anniversary of the death of Yasser Arafat

20 November Universal Children?s Day

29 November International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People declared by the UN (1979)